Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://dx.doi.org/10.25673/120952
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dc.contributor.authorBraithwaite, Johneng
dc.contributor.authorWardak, Alieng
dc.date.accessioned2025-10-29T19:31:40Z-
dc.date.available2025-10-29T19:31:40Z-
dc.date.issued2016-
dc.identifier.issn2522-3070-
dc.identifier.otherVol. 1 (2016): Journal of Afghan Legal Studies-
dc.identifier.urihttps://opendata.uni-halle.de//handle/1981185920/122907-
dc.identifier.urihttp://dx.doi.org/10.25673/120952-
dc.description.abstractThis article views Afghanistan less as a war, and more as a contest of criminalized justice systems. Part I (“The Hobbesian Solution") begins by looking back to the Taliban who came to power because they were able to restore order to spaces terrorized by armed gangs and Mujahideen factions. After the Taliban's 'defeat' in 2001, their resurgence was invited by the failure of state justice and security institutions. The Taliban returned with a parallel court system that most Afghans viewed as more effective and fair than the state system. Polls suggest judges were perceived as among the most corrupt elements of a corrupt state. Police were widely perceived as thieves of ordinary people's property, not protectors of it. While the US diagnosis of anomie in Afghanistan up to 2009 was aptly Hobbesian, its remedy of supporting President Hamid Karzai as a Leviathan was hardly apt. The West failed to ask in 2001 'What is working around here to provide people security?'. One answer to that question would have been jirga/shura. A more Jeffersonian rural republicanism that learnt from local traditions of dispute resolution defines a path not taken. Part II of the article ("A Jeffersonian Alternative?") discusses the idea that a more Jeffersonian architecture of rural republicanism in tune with Afghan traditions is a remedy to limits of the Hobbesian view on Afghanistan. Anomic spaces where policing and justice do not work are vacuums that can attract tyrannical forms of law and order, such as the rule of the Taliban. Peace with justice cannot prevail in the aftermath of such an occupation without a reliance on both local community justice and state justice that are mutually constitutive. Supporting checks on abuse of power through balancing local and national institutions that deliver justice is a more sustainable peace-building project than regime change and top-down re-engineering of successor regimes.eng
dc.language.isoper-
dc.publisherمجله مطالعات حقوقی افغانستانper
dc.relation.ispartofمجله مطالعات حقوقی افغانستانper
dc.rights.urihttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/-
dc.subject.ddc000-
dc.titleCrime and War in Afghanistan (Pashto)eng
dc.typeArticle-
local.bibliographicCitation.journaltitleمجله مطالعات حقوقی افغانستانper
local.bibliographicCitation.volume1-
local.bibliographicCitation.pagestart175-
local.bibliographicCitation.pageend241-
local.openaccesstrue-
dc.description.noteThe Journal of Afghan Legal Studies (JALS) is a peer-reviewed academic journal dedicated to Afghan law and related legal topics. It is published by the Institute for Law and Society in Afghanistan (ILSAF) and includes articles in Dari, Pashto, and English. The journal focuses on state law, Islamic law, customary law, international law, and other legal norms relevant to Afghanistan and its people. JALS is distributed both within Afghanistan and internationally.eng
local.bibliographicCitation.urihttps://public.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/jals/article/view/3156/version/3103-
local.accessrights.dnbfree-
dc.identifier.externalojs475-
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